James
Madison: A Biography by Ralph Ketcham is a massively large and
comprehensive work. My ruminations on its level of detail and why I chose to
read it can be found here.
Kethcham’s biography is not just filled with facts, but in my opinion it
strikes exactly the right balance of analysis and commentary concerning Madison
and the era in which he lived.
This
is huge book. Its pages are large and the print is small. As I estimated in my
previous post, had this book been conventionally formatted, I think that it
would run over 1000 pages. I could not help but smile when in the introduction
Ketcham apologizes to his readers for his lack of detail and refers those who
want more to Irving Brant’s six-volume biography of the America’s fourth
President.
First
published in 1971, Ketcham’s book has become the seminal Madison biography for
those interested in a detailed portrait of the man. Based upon a little Internet
surfing on the work, it seems to garner great respect from both academics and
lay readers and seems to eclipse more recent shorter biographies of Madison
written by popular authors.
Born in 1751 to a prosperous Virginia family, Madison grew up
exposed to the best education that the New World offered at the time. For his
higher education, Madison attended The College of New Jersey, later Princeton University. This institution was a breeding
ground for New Light Presbyterianism and Revolutionary thought in America. Ketcham devotes plenty of pages to explaining how Madison’s
intellectual foundations can be traced to his time spent there.
Beginning before the Revolution, throughout the war,
and later in an independent America, Madison served in various State and Pre-Constitution
Federal Legislatures. During this time, he gained a reputation as an extremely
competent and even brilliant political theoretician and legislator. Ketcham dedicates pages and pages to Madison’s political
theorizing, which borrowed and built upon classical and enlightenment thinking.
Madison was indeed a great political thinker. He really
came into his own during the 1787 Constitutional Convention, which led to the
creation of the American Constitution. Many,
including Ketcham, describe him as the Father of the United States’ Constitution. Though I have read other
authors, particularly James Lincoln Collier and Christopher Collier, who
consider this a bit of an overstatement, he likely had a greater effect upon
the final document than anyone else. Many of the most important features of his
basic outline for the American Government made it into the Constitution. Madison
pushed for a strong Federal Government as well as popular representation over
what, at times, was vigorous opposition.
Madison’s blueprint for the American government has had a profound
impact down through the present day.
In the fight to get the Constitution ratified, Madison
co-authored the Federalist Papers. These works were landmarks in political
theory that helped create and shape ideas that still represent some of the cornerstones
of modern republics, balanced governments and political theory.
Later Madison continued to serve in various
capacities in the Federal Government, from Congressman to Secretary of State. During
this time, he married Dolly Payne or Dolly Madison, a vivacious and dynamic woman
whose distinctive personality contrasted with Madison’s somewhat socially
awkward character. Dolly eventually became one of America’s most popular and famous
First Ladies.
In 1809, Madison was elected President of the United
States. Serving two terms, this Founder’s time in office was often contentious
and was marked by the War of 1812, in which the United States once again came
into conflict with Great Britain. Madison’s presidency was also characterized
by innovations in finance and infrastructure development that impacted America
for decades to come. Ketcham does not
pull any punches, and his picture of the Madison Administration is portrayed as
a time of great mistakes that were balanced by some equally great achievements.
After his term as President, Madison enjoyed a long
retirement spent at his home in Montpelier, Virginia. Here, like many of
America’s Founders, he engaged in a constant correspondence with other thinkers
of the time. He also influenced, and sometimes participated in, both Virginia
and National politics and the debates that characterized this time.
Madison’s shortcomings are not glossed over. For
instance, though he opposed slavery, he could never bring himself to actually
free his slaves. He also, while popular with his family and friends, was a
socially awkward man.
As I
am known to do, I will focus upon just one of many important aspects of
Madison’s life. Madison was a vitally important figure, both in terms of his
actions and political philosophy. Even if we confine ourselves to just examining
Madison’s political philosophy and theorizing, there are too many fascinating and
important angles to examine in a single post. Instead, I will spend a few words
on just one thread of his political thinking. That is, Madison’s belief in, and
championing of, an abundance and diversity of ideas, opinions and interests, especially
when those ideas, opinions and interests contradicted each other.
An integral
part of Madison’s social and political belief system revolved around the
concept that many diverse belief systems could come together to form strong and
meritorious ideological governmental and social systems. Madison argued that
these conflicting systems would at times counterbalance and at other times
complement one another, leading to a strong society and a strong republic.
Ketcham writes about this and analyzes this belief somewhat extensively. At one
point he describes and comments upon Madison’s viewpoint on this stew of
various interests and ideas,
“this would preserve freedom rather then
threaten it, because no one interest would control government; each interest –
economic, religious, sectional, or whatever – would be a natural check on the
domineering tendencies of others. Madison made a virtue of human diversity and
neutralized the selfishness of mankind.””
Ketcham
details how Madison’s view on this matter grew over time. Madison initially
made this argument in relation to religion only, when he advocated and helped to
achieve religious freedom in Virginia. Madison believed a variety of groups,
including various Christian denominations, Jews and non-religious thinkers
should be free to exercise their beliefs without either interference or official
support from government. He believed that such a separation of church and state,
which was almost unheard of in Europe at the time, would actually strengthen
society and religion.
Later,
Madison extended these theories to encapsulate a multiplicity of views and
interests in society as a whole. Such a variety of ideas would help to create
and foster good ones. Even the worst tendencies of human nature would cancel
each other out when pitted against one another. Hence, the “neutralization” of
“selfishness” that Ketcham refers to in the above quote.
In analyzing
modern democracy, we often hear political theorists and commentators observing
the virtues of the “marketplace of ideas,” that is, the tendency for free
societies to generate lots of ideas, both good and bad. Presumably, the good
ideas will compete with the bad ones and win out. Though in my opinion this is
not perfect and does not always work in the short and middle term, as some
terrible ideas are very popular for what seems like long periods of time, this
system does generally work in the very long run. It is indeed one of the
engines that powers modern society. In his anticipation of this “marketplace of
ideas” (this term actually precedes Madison’s time but in my opinion really
achieved its full modern meaning in the twentieth century), as well as his role
as an architect of a society that helped to foster such diversity, Madison
displayed pure genius.
There
is so much to Madison’s life that is included to this very big book. This is
not a read for the faint of heart as the detail can be overwhelming, and those
who are not as interested as I am may find it a little tedious. Folks who have
a great interest in the period, the history of government or of Madison himself
will, however, find this an essential and very informative, yet fun, read.