For Liberty and Glory: Washington,
Lafayette, and Their Revolutions by James R. Gaines is a parallel biography of both George
Washington and the Marquis de Lafayette with an emphasis on the relationship between the two men. The
book also presents the author’s take on both the American and French
Revolutions. At times, Gaines’s viewpoint is original and insightful. His writing is also very
good. Where this work falls a bit short is in the relative scarcity of in-depth
analysis on the relationship between both men as well as on both revolutions.
While these connections are explored, I hungered for more. If the book had
devoted fewer words to details that are generally known already and spent more words
examining and discussing these facts, this would have been a stronger work.
For those unfamiliar with the
details of Lafayette’s life, my summary is included along with my commentary on Lafayette by Harlow Giles Unger. For those
unfamiliar with the details of Washington’s earlier life, before becoming the
first President of the United States, he led the Continental Army for year
after year in arduous battles against both the British and the natural
elements. It was during the war years of the American Revolution that the teenage
Marquis de Lafayette,
having volunteered for service in the American Army, distinguished himself as
one of America’s most capable generals as he engaged in vitally important
diplomacy between the United States and France and established an extremely
close, lifelong friendship with Washington.
On some of the incongruities
of the relationship between the two men, Gaines writes,
“The
friendship of Washington and Lafayette seems in some ways as implausible as the
French-American one, almost like the setup to a joke: What does a Virginia
frontiersman and grade-school dropout have in common with a moneyed French
aristocrat who learned his horsemanship in the company of three future kings?
Or what do you call a bumptious optimist whose best friend is a moody loner?
Lafayette threw his arms around people and kissed them on both cheeks.
Washington did not. “
Later, Lafayette became a pivotal
player in the French Revolution. Though he was an early leader, he was later
forced to flee its excesses and was later imprisoned in Prussia and then Austria,
having been accused of being a dangerous revolutionary, for a period of five
years. During most of this time, he and Washington engaged in a steady stream
of correspondence.
As for the connections
between the revolutions, Gaines touches upon numerous points. The American
Founders and French Revolutionaries drew upon similar intellectual roots. Debt,
incurred by France in its support of the American cause, was likely the primary
spark that ignited the French Revolution. The ideals of the American Revolution
spread to France and encouraged revolution there. French officers who served in
the American Revolution helped bring revolutionary ideology to France. As the
French Revolution raged, the two primary American political factions each took
sides. At least in the early years, Thomas Jefferson’s Republicans strongly
supported the French Revolution and its ideals as Alexander Hamilton’s
Federalists vehemently opposed it.
When Gaines does dig deep, his analysis is
very well thought out and perceptive. One of just several really interesting
tracks he takes is a look into the motivations that drove both men. The author
concludes that the lifelong inspiration for both of these figures can be boiled
down to regard for their own reputations.
Gaines argues that both men were
obsessed with what the public and what history thought about them. Of
particular importance was to act in away as to be remembered as honorable and
virtuous.
In
the 18th century—in America, France and Britain alike—the ultimate test of
personal success was called "fame," "glory" or "character,"
words that signified neither celebrity nor moral courage but referred to a
person's reputation, which was also called his "honor." This sort of
acclaim was not a cheap popularity divorced from achievement, as it would be in
an age when people could become famous for being well known. Fame and its
synonyms meant an illustrious eminence, a stature accrued from having led a
consequential life.”
Later Gains goes on,
Washington
and Lafayette started out by striving to create for themselves the image of the
people that they wished to be, a lifelong endeavor to act well. If their
motives for doing so were mixed, their commitment for doing so were not, and
somewhere along the way, in a kind of political and moral alchemy, their
urgings for fame and glory were transmuted into finer stuff, their lives became
enactments of high principle. They lived such a life, did such deeds, even
remained friends, in part, to stake their claim on immortality, which meant to
have their story told; and the audience they cared must to hear it was
posterity….”
I have read somewhat extensively about
Washington. At least in terms of America’s first President, Gaines is right on
the money (as is Washington). His argument that Lafayette’s motives were similar is also very convincing.
The argument that certain men of this era were obsessively preoccupied with
reputation and virtue is very much in line with the thinking and writings of
Gordon Wood, who has written extensively on the American Revolutionary
generation’s belief system concerning self-image. My commentary on Wood’s Radicalism and the American
Revolution is here and his Revolutionary Characters is here.
It is fascinating to examine how
Lafayette took this belief system into his later years when he was immersed in
the tumultuous and, at times, morally ambiguous setting of the French
Revolution. Lafayette consistently took a moderate position and advocated for a
constitutional monarchy in France. As Harlow Giles Unger does, Gains concludes
that had Lafayette acted more decisively against radicals when he had the
chance, his popularity and control of military forces would have been enough to
prevent the French Revolution from descending into chaos and mass executions (I
do not have a thorough enough grasp of the French Revolution to have a serious
opinion on the validity of this theory). Gaines actually points out that
Napoleon Bonaparte also reached the same conclusion when writing about the
events of the French Revolution. The Marquis’ hesitance to do so
resulted from his revulsion against the use of military force as a means to
reach political ends. Such action would have destroyed his reputation as a
lover of liberty and revolution in a moderate form.
There are other very astute and
worthwhile points made in this book. It is also a very engaging read. However,
there are more complete biographies of both Washington and Lafayette and more
complete histories of both Revolutions. Thus, this book is recommended, but
only for those who are already interested in the subjects covered and are just
hungry for more. Readers who fit this bill will, however, find this book very engaging.